Mishchenko Sergey Grigorievich
Official biography
Born on August 13, 1971 in Boryspil, Kyiv region.
Member of the Verkhovna Rada of the VII and VIII convocations.
Education
From 1987 to 1990 he studied at the Chernihiv Law College, and from 1990 to 1995 at the Yaroslav the Wise National Law Academy. He holds a PhD in Law, specializing in criminal law and criminology (criminal executive law).
Family
Married. Wife Tetiana Valentynivna, daughters Daryna and Olha (born in 2001 and 2004).
Career
1994 — 1998 — assistant, senior assistant, investigator, deputy prosecutor at the Boryspil Interdistrict Prosecutor’s Office.
1998 — 2001 — Deputy Prosecutor of the Darnytskyi District Prosecutor’s Office in Kyiv, Prosecutor of the Podilskyi District Prosecutor’s Office in Kyiv.
July 2000 — September 2001 — Head of the Department for Coordination of Law Enforcement and Other State Authorities in the Fight against Corruption and Organized Crime at the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine.
September 2001 — July 2002 — Prosecutor of Kyiv Region.
July 2002 — December 2003 — Deputy Prosecutor of the City of Kyiv.
December 2003 — January 2004 — Assistant, Senior Assistant to the Prosecutor General of Ukraine Gennadiy Vasyliyev.
In 2005, he became a legal advisor to the Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko.
May 25, 2006 — June 15, 2007 — Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the V convocation from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (No. 57 on the electoral list). Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Combating Corruption and Organized Crime. Terminated his powers ahead of schedule during the mass resignation of opposition MPs in order to hold early elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
November 23, 2007 — December 12, 2012 — Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the VI convocation from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (No. 57 on the list). Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Legal Policy. He left the faction on June 30, 2012, as he was included in the unopposed part of the list in the next parliamentary elections.
Since December 2012, he has been a Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the VII convocation, and was elected as a self-nominated candidate in the single-member constituency No. 98 in Kyiv region. Member of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Legal Policy. Non-factional. Non-partisan.
On February 2, 2013, he was elected chairman of the political party Spravedlyvist.
In October 2014, in the early parliamentary elections, he re-elected in constituency #98, becoming a member of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation.
Compromising evidence
Today, Petro Poroshenko’s team has effectively given Boryspil district to a regional criminal community, whose public face and “ideological” leader is Serhiy Mishchenko, a member of the Verkhovna Rada who is a member of the ruling Petro Poroshenko Bloc faction. Prior to the Revolution of Dignity, this former prosecutor was a member of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, and under President Viktor Yanukovych, he was a member of the Party of Regions.

On the eve of the Maidan, Yulia Tymoshenko’s defense lawyer Serhiy Vlasenko called Serhiy Mishchenko a traitor. The reason for this statement was Mishchenko’s bill to postpone Yulia Tymoshenko’s sentence for the duration of her treatment abroad. On his Facebook page, Vlasenko wrote the following: «Sergiy Mishchenko, you are a hypocrite, a traitor, an immoral person and a worthy son of your ‘father’ Prosecutor General Pshonka.»

Sergiy Mischenko has a long history with former Prosecutor General Pshonka. At the end of 2013, when the Maidan was already in full swing, the Vesti newspaper reported that the Prosecutor General’s son, Party of Regions MP Artem Pshonka, had become the godfather of Serhiy Mischenko’s son. Prior to that, in the Verkhovna Rada, Mishchenko refused to vote for the resignation of Prosecutor General Pshonka, which, according to Batkivshchyna representatives, caused him to move down in the party’s election lists (at that time, Serhiy Mishchenko was in 141st place) and, as a result, to leave the faction.
Instead, on April 12, 2014, when even the Party of Regions had no doubts about the victory of the Revolution of Dignity, Serhiy Mishchenko joined the Petro Poroshenko Bloc faction. The traitor, an accomplice of the Party of Regions, who voted with them simultaneously for the bills that were disastrous for the country, was welcomed with open arms: nothing personal, just business.
S. Mishchenko earned the trust of the winners. It was he who voiced the “initiative” to liquidate the Ministry of Revenue and Duties — Sergiy Mishchenko explained his draft resolution on the liquidation of the Ministry by saying that “the Ministry of Revenue and Duties must die.” In fact, this was a “carve-up” by the winners of “revenue seats”: BPP, BYT and Front for Change could not share the “most profitable” ministry, and to make sure that the “pie” was enough for all beneficiaries, the Ministry of Health was divided into a number of departments. Although this was contrary to the practice of developed countries, where one single agency handles all revenues to the state treasury.
In gratitude for this service, S. Mishchenko immediately demanded an immediate change of leadership at Boryspil Airport, a city-forming enterprise in the Boryspil district that is strategically important to the state. In parallel with this statement, a group of gangster elements from among the Boryspil criminals seized a number of airport buildings. According to Nashi Hroshi, the bandits arrived at the seizure in Lexus and Mercedes Benz cars and introduced themselves as… representatives of Maidan.
It should be noted that control over the infrastructure of the State Enterprise “Boryspil International Airport” and its cash flows is a traditional area of interest of the “Boryspil organized crime group” of brothers Vladislav and Serhiy Baichas — Serhiy Mischenko. The OCG was formed in the late 80s and early 90s and started with illegal taxi service and control of taxi operations at Boryspil Airport. Related activities of this OCG included theft of luggage at the airport, smuggling, robbery of taxi customers, illegal trade, and illegal currency transactions.

As the criminal group expanded its business activities and legalized its ill-gotten gains into an officially registered business, the gang members began massive, systematic bribery of high-ranking district officials, local law enforcement officials, judges and airport officials — the financial basis of the organized crime group.
It was at this stage that a promising local prosecutor, Serhii Mishchenko, joined the OCG. He provided more and more cover for the illegal activities of the Boryspil OCG, taking an active part in joint business projects with the bandits on a share basis.
Already working in the PGO, Sergiy Mischenko was one of those whom his colleagues suspected of “leaking” official information related to the investigation of the Gongadze case. In 2000-2001, S. Mishchenko served as the head of the Department for Coordination of Law Enforcement and Other State Bodies for Combating Corruption and Organized Crime at the Prosecutor General’s Office. Mishchenko’s career rise in the prosecutor’s office came at a time when Viktor Medvedchuk headed the Presidential Administration and Viktor Yanukovych became Prime Minister: one of the leaders of the Boryspil organized crime group became an assistant to Prosecutor General Gennadiy Vasiliev, a typical Donetskite.
However, there is nothing surprising in this: at that time, the Russian special services were actively infiltrating their proteges into the state structures of Ukraine, hoping to seize power in the country painlessly and without any problems during the upcoming presidential elections. In light of this, the reason for the impunity and “unsinkability” of the Boryspil organized crime group, which successfully survived all the gangster “cleansing” carried out by the authorities since the mid-1990s without loss, is seen in a different light. In all likelihood, the Boryspil OCG had influential supervisors from among the heads of either the Ministry of Internal Affairs or the Security Service of Ukraine.
After the defeat of the “regionals” (Russia) in 2005, S. Mishchenko “laid low”. But already in 2006, he “resurfaced” as a member of the Verkhovna Rada, finding refuge in the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, a “sump” structure for Russian intelligence agents, criminal businessmen and swindlers of all stripes.
The company of Yulia Tymoshenko and her ilk was a favorable environment for S. Mishchenko and the Boryspil organized crime group until 2012, when Viktor Yanukovych became president of Ukraine. S. Mishchenko immediately reoriented himself to his former “partners” from the pro-Russian camp; at the same time, all the proteges of the “Boryspil OCG” in the government joined the Party of Regions. Vladyslav Baichas, a member of the “bombers” who “held” Boryspil airport in the early 1990s, also became a “Party of Regions” member. Now V. Baichas headed the Boryspil District Council, and at the same time — the Boryspil District Organization of the Party of Regions…

The appointment of Viktor Pshonka to the post of Prosecutor General also took place with the participation of S. Mishchenko, then a member of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc. Before voting in favor, Mishchenko explained his position by saying that Pshonka’s appointment meant stability for thousands of prosecutors and their families, and that he personally knew Pshonka as a «deeply religious person.» «In some time, Viktor Pavlovych will be called ‘our father’, and that is worth many of these stars on his shoulder straps,» Mishchenko said before the Rada vote.
Mishchenko was also noticed by journalists to have committed a sin in the form of non-personal voting (button-pressing):


This type of violation of the law is also punishable, which Mishchenko, of course, did not suffer.

The Revolution of Dignity brought only profit to the Boryspil organized crime group.
Pshonka’s godfather’s entourage controls the most profitable parking lots at Boryspil.
Thus, the closest parking lots to terminals D and B of Boryspil airport are now serviced by the company “Airport-Parking”, founded by S. Mishchenko’s accomplices. This was reported by Nashi Hroshi.

Airport Parking operates four parking lots at Boryspil Airport. Since they are closest to terminals D and B, the parking fees are the highest, averaging UAH 15-30 per hour.

At the same time, the airport retained less attractive parking lots far from the terminals.
“Parking lots near the terminal mean about $1 per passenger in lost profits for the airport. That is about $7 million a year,” commented Volodymyr Shulmeister, now the former First Deputy Minister of Infrastructure, in 2015.
Mishchenko bribed voters in 2014
According to the civil network OPORA, during the 2014 parliamentary elections, a special issue of the newspaper Trudova Slava, which was distributed in the 98th constituency centered in Yahotyn, published an article about how much and what was purchased and sent to the ATO zone by the candidate for people’s deputies Serhiy Mishchenko. The approximate amount spent on this component of the campaign was UAH 1,030,300.

In the village of Zgurivka, Kyiv region, Mishchenko presented two football teams, Zgura and Kis-Argo, with two leather balls each.
In Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi, Mishchenko organized a track and field race. He and Mayor Taras Kostin awarded the runners with diplomas, cups, medals, and cash prizes, the Pereyaslavshchyna Visnyk newspaper reported.
On October 23, 2014, at the City Day in Yahotyn, the mayor of Yahotyn, Natalia Dziuba, publicly announced that Sergiy Mishchenko had built 4 playgrounds for the City Day.
Then the candidate himself took the floor and added that six months before, he had persuaded a charitable foundation to provide playgrounds and Yahotyn district had the most — 8 in the city and 12 in the district. Mishchenko then said that he would donate 1000 UAH to the auction of children’s drawings for the needs of the military.
MISHCHENKO’S PROPERTY IS REGISTERED IN HIS PARENTS’ NAMES
According to journalists of the “Nashi Hroshi” program, relatives of MP Serhiy Mishchenko earn money in his constituency, own the bank of the Dnipro River in Trypillia, real estate in Crimea and in Kyiv’s Pechersk district. Mishchenko himself was able to buy land on the Pechersk slopes at a huge discount and began construction next to his mother-in-law’s five-story building.
The family declared water transport, and among the cars owned by his wife — a 2006 Suzuki Grand Vitara and used by his mother — a 2014 Volkswagen Transporter.

The MP himself owns a house in the resort town of Yaremche, which he shares with Petro Melnyk, the fugitive rector of the Tax Academy. Another co-owner is a neighbor of the Azarov family in the Chekhovo dacha cooperative in Crimea. In 2014, Mishchenko’s family declared more than UAH 6 million in total income, of which more than 5 million came from the sale of another, previous Carpathian house. This money was enough for the MP to buy 20 acres of land in Tsarske Selo in the capital’s Pechersk district. The market value of one hundred square meters is about $100,000, which means that at the dollar exchange rate in the fall of 2014, this property would have cost about UAH 25 million. Currently, the MP is building next to an already constructed five-story house registered to his mother-in-law, Olga Sira. Mr. Mishchenko’s parents have never been involved in business, but they also found the money for the real estate.

The house in Trypillia belongs to the MP’s mother, Maria Mykhailivna, but she lives outside of Boryspil. Volodymyr Dobrynin, a lawyer for the Mishchenko family associated with the MP’s mother-in-law’s companies, explained that the funds for the property were provided by Serhiy Mishchenko’s father, who received a high pension. He added that the parents of Serhiy Mishchenko’s wife also invested in real estate in Trypillia.





Next to the MP’s mother’s property in Trypillia, two more land plots are registered in the name of Serhiy Mishchenko’s sister, Olena Chornoshtan, who has also never run a private business.


Chornoshtan leases two more land plots almost on the water. However, neither MP Serhiy Mishchenko nor his niece, Oksana Chornoshtan, a prosecutor at the Darnytsia Prosecutor’s Office in Kyiv, reported the family’s property in Trypillia in their declarations.

Also, the declaration does not include a neighboring, yet unfinished house registered to the MP’s mother-in-law, Olha Sira. In addition, Olga Sira owns 3 land plots next to Maria Mishchenko’s house. The MP’s lawyer explains this by the fact that Mishchenko “does not use it all the time”.
Sergiy Mishchenko denied any involvement in the Airport Parking company.
In 2014, the public service Sky taxi at Boryspil Airport was liquidated, and its place, according to the TV program Nashi Hroshi, was also taken without a competition by Auto-Ukraine, which was founded by Vladyslav Baichas and Valeriy Siryi. Oleksandr Ivlev was also one of its founders.
More than 30 MPs: who else is under fresh Russian sanctions. The full list
Ukrainian singer Mykhailo Poplavsky, director of the National Memory Institute Anton Drobovych and more than 30 MPs of the 9th convocation have been sanctioned by the Russian government.
UNN publishes the full list of names that were updated in the August 20 resolution of the Russian Cabinet of Ministers on sanctions against Ukrainians.
The restrictions apply to:

Scandals
In 2011, Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc MP Serhiy Mishchenko refused to accept the title of “Honored Lawyer of Ukraine”, which he had been awarded by Viktor Yanukovych. The MP did not rule out that this was done in order to sow discord and suspicion in the opposition ranks. “I cannot accept this high title because what is being done in the Pechersk court is not a rule of law, it is legal nihilism,” the MP said at the time, adding that he could not accept an award from the government, which uses some lawyers for political repression.
An ex-taxman whose wife sells bolts to Ukrzaliznytsia through Maxmed “gaskets” was spotted in Kononenko’s office
The former director of the coordination and monitoring department of the State Fiscal Service of Ukraine, Serhiy Mishchenko, is a frequent visitor to the business center where MP Ihor Kononenko’s office is located.
This is the subject of an investigation by Mykhailo Tkach for the Schemes program.
On June 6, 2018, the program’s crew noticed Mishchenko, accompanied by businessman Anatoliy Shkriblyak, entering the building at 29 Elektrykiv Street.

The office of President Petro Poroshenko’s closest business partner, Ihor Kononenko, is located in this building. This business center was also visited by businessmen Pavlo Fuks (a beneficiary of Ukrrosleasing, to whom Kyiv Metro owes UAH 1.96 billion by court order) and Vitaliy Kropachov (after the Maidan, he became the largest coal businessman in Ukraine after Akhmetov).

From 2012 to 2014, Mishchenko headed the State Service for Combating Economic Crime of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, which was headed by Vitaliy Zakharchenko at the time, and in 2014 Mishchenko was appointed director of the coordination and monitoring department of the SFS.
Kononenko’s wife and Mishchenko’s daughter are members of the presidium of the Bowling Federation, headed by Ihor Kononenko himself. They also participate in sports competitions, which may indicate their friendly relations.
From Nashi Groshi:
According to Smida, Serhiy Mishchenko’s wife and daughter, Iryna Mishchenko and Olena Roschenko, are the largest shareholders of Druzhkovka Metalware Plant, owning almost 38% of the company’s shares. Alexey Spiridonov owns another 15%, and no other shareholder owns more than 5%.
“DZMV is a manufacturer of metal products (bolts and nuts for fastening the track), which have been supplied to Ukrzaliznytsia by Maxmed International LLC for the past three years. This company received its first large order in 2016, when it was ordered to supply hardware worth UAH 91 million. The cost of this batch was UAH 11 million higher than the manufacturer’s price lists.
“Maxmed International received the order after the National Anti-Corruption Bureau opened a criminal case against several high-ranking officials of Ukrzaliznytsia for purchasing hardware products at inflated prices from Inkomm LLC in 2014-2015, which caused losses of more than UAH 21 million. The investigation also found that Petro Poroshenko Bloc MP Valeriy Ishchenko and Mykhailo Beilin, an adviser to former Presidential Administration Chief of Staff Borys Lozhkin, may have been involved in these transactions. The case has already been referred to court.
“Maxmed International is registered to Yulia Pavlyuchenko. The company is registered in the Eurasia business center at 75 Zhylianska Street. The same building houses the public reception office of Petro Poroshenko Bloc MP Oleksandr Hranovskyi, who is a member of Kononenko’s inner circle. Last year, this firm massively challenged Ukrzaliznytsia’s tenders for various product groups. At one time, the firm blocked purchases worth up to UAH 10 billion. Following public complaints from Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, Maxmed stopped blocking procurement.
Iryna Mishchenko is a co-owner of Legion LLC, Teplobud LLC, Zolotyi Bereg Sanatorium Production Cooperative (registered in Yevpatoria in 2011), and Kordon PJSC.
Olena Roschenko is a co-owner of Minecom LLC, Santekhspetsstroy LLC, Rope-Land LLC (registered in Crimea) and the owner of Sitimama LLC.
After the reorganization of the SFS, the Coordination and Monitoring Department disappeared from the list of SFS units, and the NAPC website does not have Mishchenko’s declaration. In addition to working in the tax office, he had extensive experience in the structures of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and holds the rank of lieutenant general of police.
Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc MP’s income is spent on a Mercedes or an apartment
An article from 2013.
The cost of just two watches from the arsenal of Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc MP Serhiy Mishchenko is about 56 thousand dollars. However, the MP himself claims that these accessories cost him a much more modest amount.
The photographer captured a Ulysse Nardin Quadrato Dual Time watch on the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc member’s hand with a crocodile leather strap. It is noteworthy that the case of this accessory is made of pink gold. The watch is mechanical, self-winding.


And thanks to an omnipotent Internet search engine, you can find out that the recommended price for the Ulysse Nardin Quadrato Dual Time is 28,700 dollars, or almost 230 thousand hryvnias.
By the way, the next day Mishchenko did confirm that he had such a Ulysse Nardin watch in his collection. However, the MP noted that he did not buy the luxury toy at all — he received the exquisite watch for a fabulous sum of money as a gift.
According to Mishchenko, it was a gift from his old friend Gennadiy Tuzhykov, who owns a chain of Swiss watch boutiques. The Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc member says they have been friends since the early 1990s. The next day after the Conciliation Council, Mishchenko showed journalists another pride of his collection on the sidelines of the Verkhovna Rada.
Thus, Serhiy Hryhorovych boasted of a Breitling Bentley Flying B watch on camera. According to Mishchenko, this is a very old Breitling that his wife’s parents gave him 7 years ago. According to Mishchenko, they have a business in Kharkiv. His father-in-law’s surname is Siryi.


In addition, the Bute man noted that this watch is very simple and inexpensive. However, the recommended price for a similar Breitling Bentley Flying B model on the Internet is almost 15 thousand dollars.
Moreover, one of the prestigious watch stores in Kyiv reported that the Breitling Bentley Flying B on a leather strap costs 173 thousand hryvnias, or almost 22 thousand dollars.
At the same time, in another Kyiv showroom, the starting price for the Breitling Bentley Flying B on a leather strap was announced at 213,220 hryvnias, which is almost 27 thousand dollars.
Accordingly, Mishchenko’s two watches together can “pull” almost 56 thousand dollars. And for this money, you can buy a one- or even a two-room apartment in the suburbs of Kyiv.
And another fifty thousand dollars allows you to get such cars as: Toyota Land Cruiser Prado for $46,300, Land Rover Freelander-2 for $44,000, or Mercedes E-class for $50,000.
If someone likes BMW, they could buy a Boomer instead of two hours. For example, a 123d coupe ($45 thousand), a 125i convertible ($51 thousand), or a 320d sedan ($47 thousand), as well as some BMW models of the third and fifth series and SUVs.
And even if you prefer Nissan luxury, you can afford the Infinity G25 sport RWD executive sedan for 49 thousand dollars.
Resume
Sergiy Mischenko has been in politics for over 15 years. All he has done is fill his wallet with public money and acquired real estate, which, of course, belongs to his relatives, who have never had a business.

