Viktor V. Bondar
Official biography
Place of birth. Education. Viktor Bondar was born in Leningrad.
- In 1997, he graduated from the Mudryi National Law Academy of Ukraine with a degree in law.
- In 2004, he graduated from the National Technical University of Ukraine “Kyiv Polytechnic Institute” (information management systems and technologies, computer systems analytics). Candidate of Law.
Career
- 1993-1996 — Together with a partner, he founded and managed Stalker Law Firm.
- 1996 — 1997 — JSC “Financial and Industrial Group ‘Sigma’, Kharkiv — Advisor to the President on legal issues.
- 1997 — 1999 — European Development Fund LLC, Kharkiv — Deputy Director.
- 1999 — 2000 — OJSC “Donetsk Meat Processing Plant” — Chairman of the Board.
- 07.09.2000 — Ukrainian Communications LLC, Kyiv — Vice President.
- 2000 — 2005 — Department of Internal Policy — Head of the Center for Information Resources; Department of Relations with the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine — Deputy Director; Secretariat of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine — Head of the Department for the Strategy of Information Resources and Technologies Development.
- 2005 — 2006 — Acting First Deputy Minister of Transport and Communications of Ukraine, Minister of Transport and Communications.
- 2006 — 2007 — Secretariat of the President of Ukraine — Deputy Head for Regional Policy and Personnel.
- 9-12.2007 — Dnipropetrovs’k Regional State Administration — Acting Head of the Administration.
- 12.2007 — 02.2010 — Dnipro Regional State Administration — Head.
- 05.2010 — 03.2011 — State Customs Service of Ukraine — Deputy Chairman.
- 03.2011 — 07.2012 — State Customs Service of Ukraine — Director of the Department.
- 12.12.2012 — 20.10.2014 — Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the VII convocation.
- Since November 27, 2014 — Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the VIII convocation.
Family.
He is divorced from his ex-wife Alla. He has three sons and one daughter from his first marriage: Nikita, Kirill, Maxim and Daria.
Currently, the politician is dating Inna Anisimova. In 2018, the girl posted quite a few photos on her social media page of them walking around Lviv together.
His father, Vasyl Buryak, was the last head of the State Bank of the Ukrainian SSR. A figure of the scale of Vadym Hetman. He signed the protocols that make it impossible for Russia to claim for devalued deposits in the USSR Sberbank. Until the fall of 2010, he was a member of the board of Sberbank, then retired at the age of 72.
His younger brother, Oleksandr Vasylovych, is a current MP. He is non-partisan.
What else can I say… A perfect biography — there is nothing to find fault with! However, for some reason, Bondar changed his personal identification code. This event happened in the life of our hero in 1999. The personal code was changed from 1668503130 to 2770205938. But why?
Compromising material
After working as a legal advisor at Sigma, four years later he became the deputy director of the Kharkiv-based European Development Fund. Interestingly, this organization was engaged in nothing more than providing leisure and hunting grounds near Kharkiv for the elite. In addition, the future MP was successfully engaged in business: he sold cigarettes, alcohol, and food at retail. As a result, he quickly “got on his feet”.
And very soon, the young promising businessman got his own apartment, car and cell phone, which was considered a real miracle of technology at the time. proudly saying that as a fourth-year student, he could already afford such luxuries.
Another interesting fact is that he, a supporter of the Orange Party, suddenly switched to the Party of Regions. And as we know, there is no trust in defectors!
Involvement in the seizure of the “Meat Processing Plant”
A scheme that has been tested many times during the alienation of state property. First, a management team is brought in to study the company’s assets, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. Then, the trusted managers leave the doomed enterprise, and a “Pound” is put in charge. This “Pound” signs the documentation necessary for alienation from the former owners.
Perhaps V. Bondar was the “scout” from Sigma Bleyzer who acted in the interests of third parties as the head of the Donetsk Meat Processing Plant.
Criminal case
In March 2011, a criminal case was initiated against Bondar on charges of aiding and abetting the deliberate destruction of the unfinished Teremky bus station. According to the case file, these actions caused damage to the state in excess of five and a half million hryvnias. Bondar, who criticized the team of candidate Viktor Yanukovych before the second round of the presidential election, was charged with causing damage to the state, according to documents signed by him and other officials in 2006, when he was still Minister of Transport and Communications. The allegation is that Bondar signed documents authorizing the construction of a shopping center on a vacant lot. In 2011, the PGO found that piles had been dug in the wasteland back in 1975, which could be worth UAH 5 million. The PGO considered the failure to preserve these piles as damage to the state and blamed V. Bondar.
Dictatorial laws
On January 16, 2014, he voted for the “dictatorial laws” — a package of anti-democratic laws that significantly restricted the rights of citizens and freedom of speech.
Unfulfilled promises
Bondar’s “peculiarity” is that the politician likes to repeat his promises several times. On the one hand, if the promise is good and the first time it was not fulfilled, then why not? But Bondar simply rewrites a part of his program over and over again and fails to implement it.
This was the case with the program promise to raise teachers’ salaries to the level of the European Union. Bondar included this commitment in his election program for the 2012 elections. But during his two years in the parliament, he did not introduce a corresponding bill. When he ran for the Rada in 2014, he made this promise again, and the situation is repeating itself: Bondar does not introduce any initiatives of his own, and he did not vote for the education reform either. Although it does provide for an increase in teacher salaries.
He made a similar promise to doctors, but again, Bondar did not propose his own bill, and he was absent from the voting for the medical reform (the reform provides for an increase in doctors’ salaries).
Bondar repeated his commitment to reduce government spending three times. In his 2012 and 2014 programs, the politician wrote that he would cut the budget for the maintenance of the parliament, the president, the Cabinet of Ministers, and central bodies by 40%. Bondar not only failed to propose a corresponding bill, but also supported a significant increase in these costs.
The MP voted for the 2018 state budget, which allocated more than UAH 2 billion for the State Administration of Affairs, which is 600 million more than in 2017, UAH 1.5 billion for the Cabinet of Ministers, compared to UAH 1.2 billion in 2017, and UAH 1.6 billion for the Rada (400 million more than a year earlier). As a presidential candidate, Bondar now promises to cut these expenses by 50%.
The most interesting thing is that last year Bondar commented on this failed promise to Slovo i Dil: “Yes, but I am not the president of Ukraine, not the head of government. When I become the president of Ukraine, I solemnly promise you that I will not only cut the budget, but also reduce the number of MPs.”
It turns out that when the politician made these promises, he did not know that he was not the head of state. He also plans to maintain a moratorium on the sale of agricultural land until conditions are created to open the market. There is also a promise to create conditions for the development of “green” tourism, although he made a similar assurance in his 2014 program.
Bondar did not propose any bills of his own, and he did not vote for the draft law “On Private Farming” on the development of rural green tourism. In his constituency, Bondar promised to repair libraries, cinemas, build fountains and install sports grounds. The MP has not yet done anything to fulfill these assurances. In addition, Bondar promised to help repair and restore churches in the district. In the fall of 2016, with his assistance, construction began on a wooden church in the center of Letychiv. And the village of Radianske received financial assistance to repair the refectory in the church.
Starokostiantyniv district hospital was not insulated in 2017, as Bondar promised
Ukrainian MP Viktor Bondar failed to fulfill his promise that in 2017 the therapeutic department of the central district hospital in Starokonstantinov would undergo energy modernization. In particular, new windows will be installed, walls will be insulated and the roof will be repaired, as well as internal repairs will be made.
He made this promise on December 13, 2016, as “Slovo i Dilo” reminds.
Higher education is not for everyone: how MP Bondar “helps” children from low-income families
During his three years in office, Bondar has not registered a single legislative initiative that would help fulfill his election promise of free higher education for children from low-income families.
Slovo i Dilo registered it in September 2014, on the eve of the early parliamentary elections. This was one of the points of his program.
Exactly 3 years later, in September 2017, the portal’s analysts checked whether Bondar had initiated any bills that would have provided for such a provision. Had he done so, the promise would have remained at least with the status of “in progress” (until the bill is passed or the MP’s powers are terminated). However, no such document has been found.
Moreover, when the Verkhovna Rada adopted the draft law No. 3491-d on education reform on September 5, the MP did not vote at all, demonstrating, in our opinion, his indifference to the issue of education.
Bondar’s promised program of rearmament and provision of the Armed Forces remained on paper.
Viktor Bondar, a member of the Ukrainian parliament and head of the political party “Vidrodzhennia”, has not initiated the promised draft law on the program of rearmament and supply of the army.
He pledged to do so in his 2014 election program, reports Slovo i Dilo.
Bondar also did not support the adoption of the state budgets for 2015 and 2016, which provide for a significant increase in funding for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In particular, the budget for 2016 envisaged an increase in spending on the army by UAH 100 billion against UAH 90 billion in 2015.
Only in the third year of his parliamentary term, Bondar supported the increase in funding for the army by voting for the draft budget for 2017, which provides for funding for the Armed Forces and national security and law enforcement agencies at the level of 5% of GDP. However, as of June 13, 2017, the MP has not initiated his own promised bill on rearmament of the Ukrainian armed forces.
Earlier, “Slovo i Dilo” found out that MP Bondar is engaged in energy modernization of the country only on paper. He also supported the increase in salaries for members of the Verkhovna Rada, contrary to his own promise.
Combining business and parliamentary activities
The presidential candidate has been involved in several high-profile scandals. One of them concerns the open combination of MP activities with business. As an MP, he was engaged in business, which is prohibited by law.
Relationship with Vitaliy Khomutynnik
In the summer of 2017, Delovaya Stolitsa wrote that the most decisive influence on the Renaissance, and, consequently, on Bondar, is not so much the “minority” Khomutynnik as the “majority” shareholders of this political project, represented by Poltava agrarian baron Andriy Verevsky and Ihor Kolomoisky.
Both billionaires were living in Switzerland at the time.
“In addition to the group in the parliament, the Renaissance Party has party structures in the capital and in the regions. The most powerful party organization is in the Kharkiv region. There, the party has Kharkiv Mayor Hennadiy Kernes in its ranks and the largest factions in the Kharkiv City Council and the Regional Council. It is known that Kernes was brought to the party by Kolomoisky, but now the mayor of Kharkiv is definitely an ally of Khomutynnik, who, by the way, was elected to parliament in one of Kharkiv’s constituencies with the help of Kernes,” Espresso quoted him as saying.
The presidential candidate came up with a plan to build a skyscraper in the center of Kyiv based on expired permits.
Few people can deserve to have a scheme named after you. We believe that Viktor Bondar, ex-minister, ex-governor, and now MP and candidate, has fully deserved it. Because Nashi Hroshi has never recorded such creativity before.
Location: the slope of the Klovskyi ravine above the Oleksandrivska hospital, where they are already starting to build a 34-storey residential building with several underground floors.
In the summer of 2004, Bondar’s company, Budinform LLC, in which he owns 50% together with Larysa Derevyanko, received a 15-year lease on 0.22 hectares at 7-b Mechnikova Street. According to the decision of the Kyiv City Council, the land is to be used for the construction of a residential building with office space and a built-in parking lot.
Importantly, no residential construction is allowed here. According to the General Plan, this plot belongs to the territory of public buildings and structures. That is why the project was stalled for years. However, in 2010, Budinform somehow managed to obtain urban planning conditions for construction. It seemed that there would be no more obstacles, but then Yanukovych came to power. Both the minister and the governor from the Yushchenko era started having problems. They also affected the site near the Klovska metro station.
In 2011, a new urban planning law came into force, according to which all previously issued MUOs were valid for another two years, that is, only until March 2013.
And in 2012, the court terminated the lease agreement at the request of the prosecutor’s office.
That is, as of 2014, Bondar had neither the land plot nor the right to build on it.
Implementation of the scheme:
In the midst of the Maidan events, in February 2014, the Court of Appeal suddenly renewed Budinform’s deadline for filing a complaint for unknown reasons. And in April, it overturned the 2012 decision of the first instance to terminate the lease. The Kyiv City Council was unable to file a cassation appeal, as it was 8 months late.
Now it was Muo’s turn. Getting new documentation for the monster skyscraper was, if not impossible, at least very expensive. So we took a cheaper and very creative route. Or rather, two ways:
First. The old Muo was declared valid by the KCSA.
This was done by Andriy Vavrysh, Deputy Director of the Department of Urban Development, in January 2015, when he sent a clarification to Budinform, confirming the validity of the 2010 MUOs and the possibility of using them until the construction is completed. The legal force of such a “clarification” is null and void, so they later took another step.
Secondly. The old Muo were declared valid in the district court
In order to make these MOUs more legitimate, a civic organization (Civic Control and Order) close to Vavrysh went to court in late 2018, demanding that the decision of the Kyiv City State Administration’s Urban Development Department to issue the 2010 MOU to Budinform be revoked. On January 31 of this year, Judge Ihor Smelyi of the Kyiv District Administrative Court said that the MUOs were issued legally and are still valid.
At the same time, Judge Smelyi saw Article 29 of the Law “On Regulation of Urban Development Activities”, which states that the CUPs are valid until the completion of construction. And strangely, he did not notice Part 5 of the Final Provisions of this law, which states that all the MOUs issued before this law came into force expire in 2013.
Moreover, without waiting for the court decision, in August last year, Budinform received a construction permit. The SACI issues such a permit if the customer submits the entire package of documents. “Stroyinform submitted such documents, knowing that one, but the most important document, was simply invalid. And in the event of a DABI inspection, this is easy to detect.
In August of this year, BUDINFORM’s lease for the plot at 7-b Mechnikova Street expires. Officials have no right to renew the lease to this company, if only because it was an unscrupulous tenant that has been in arrears with rent for the past 5 years. Not to mention all the violations of the General Plan and state building codes.
In the Kyiv City Council, a number of deputies, who have been repeatedly approached by local residents, have registered a draft decision to refuse to extend the lease to Budinform. Only close public attention can help in this situation. Otherwise, Andriy Vavrysh, an official with a rich past dating back to Yanukovych’s time, who now positions himself as a developer who is building up the Rybalsky Peninsula, among other things, and Viktor Bondar, co-chair of the “Renaissance Party” parliamentary group, will quietly satisfy their own commercial interests, leaving Kyiv with another monster.
And the Bondar scheme, born in 2014, will be one of the unexpected consequences of the Maidan.
Declarations
In 2017, Viktor Bondar declared 234.5 thousand hryvnias of salary and 252.8 thousand hryvnias of funds for the performance of his parliamentary powers. The MP had about 50 thousand hryvnias in his bank accounts. He kept most of his assets in cash. Namely: 240.6 thousand euros, 170.5 thousand hryvnias and 1.3 million dollars.
Viktor Bondar also listed two of his own land plots in Kyiv and Khmelnytskyi regions, an apartment in Odesa, and a 600-square-meter mansion in the Kyiv suburb of Hostomel. Apparently, the MP travels there by public transportation, because he did not declare his own car. Instead, he listed a collection of paintings and icons, four antique watches, nine pairs of wristwatches, and three pieces of jewelry (cufflinks).
In 2018, Viktor Bondar acquired a land plot of 1,500 square meters in Hostomel. The MP purchased another 2,500-square-meter plot in Khmelnytsky Oblast. For several years now, he has owned 50% of the Budinforum company. The politician estimated his share at UAH 2,695,000.
Over the past year, Viktor Bondar earned 415,198 thousand hryvnias in the Verkhovna Rada. He received a little more for his parliamentary powers — 422,880 hryvnias. Another UAH 4100 was paid to the MP by the bank as interest. According to the declaration, Viktor Bondar was lent UAH 1,795,238. The MP’s bank assets have increased significantly. He had a total of 79,810 hryvnias in two accounts. However, he still has more cash. Viktor Bondar listed 1,201,382 dollars, 240.6 thousand euros, and 12,760 hryvnias.
Summary.
As you can see from this short article, Viktor Bondar is a man of empty words. All of his promises are dust that he puts in the eyes of voters for his own benefit. And all his actions and deeds prove to us that he acts solely in his own interests.